Bruised But Bettered: PAP Has Political Grit to See Fiji Through

Politics is rarely a straight path, and genuine leadership is often tested not when circumstances are easy, but when difficult decisions require courage, humility, and perseverance.

Recent polling suggests that many Fijians are responding positively to that kind of leadership. The People's Alliance Party (PAP) remains the leading political party in voter support, while Prime Minister Sitiveni Rabuka continues to rank as the country's preferred choice for Prime Minister. These results suggest that, despite the inevitable challenges of governing and pursuing reform, voters continue to see value in leadership that prioritises national progress over political expediency.

The Constitutional Review process has been one of the most significant and closely watched national conversations in recent years. It has also been a test of political leadership. While debate surrounding constitutional reform has at times been robust and contentious, many Fijians recognise that meaningful change is rarely achieved without open discussion, competing viewpoints, and difficult conversations.

Throughout the process, Prime Minister Rabuka has demonstrated a leadership style characterised by consultation, patience, and humility. Rather than seeking only agreement, he has encouraged participation from across Fiji's social, religious, professional, and political landscape. His willingness to engage with supporters and critics alike has reinforced the perception of a leader focused on achieving the best outcome for the nation rather than short-term political advantage.

Public Feedback and Public Trust

One of the strongest features of the Constitutional Review process has been the emphasis placed on public participation. Citizens from all walks of life have been invited to contribute their views, concerns, and aspirations regarding Fiji's constitutional future.

Importantly, Fijians have observed that feedback has not been welcomed only when it aligns with Government positions. Views both supportive and critical have been heard and acknowledged. For many observers, this willingness to listen has become a defining feature of the process.

Public feedback has revealed a diversity of opinions, reflecting the healthy reality of a democratic society. Yet amid those differences, there is growing recognition that people value being consulted and respected. Even where disagreements remain, the opportunity to participate has strengthened confidence that the process is seeking genuine national consensus rather than a predetermined outcome.

Many voters appear to view Prime Minister Rabuka's personal approach as a significant factor in that confidence. His calm demeanour, accessibility, and willingness to listen carefully to criticism as well as praise have projected political maturity and self-assurance. In an era when public trust can be difficult to earn, these qualities have resonated with many Fijians.

Ultimately, the success of constitutional reform will not be judged solely by the final outcome, but also by the integrity of the process itself. Increasingly, citizens are recognising the effort to build consensus, encourage participation, and ensure that all voices have an opportunity to be heard.

The Constitutional Review process is bigger than any one political party or individual. It is about ensuring that Fiji's governance framework reflects the values, aspirations, and ambitions of its people. The Government's willingness to facilitate national discussion, receive submissions from across society, and remain open to feedback demonstrates a genuine commitment to strengthening Fiji's democratic foundations.

Fijians understand that lasting reform requires patience and persistence. They also understand that progress is rarely achieved without challenges along the way. What matters most is the sincerity of the effort and the determination to keep moving forward.

PAP may have emerged from recent political contests with a few bruises, but it has also emerged more experienced, more resilient, and more determined. The public mood increasingly suggests that many voters recognise this political grit and appreciate a leadership approach grounded in listening, consultation, and nation-building.

As Fiji continues its journey, voters appear to be rewarding authenticity, humility, and a steadfast commitment to the national interest. In that regard, the Constitutional Review process may ultimately be remembered not as a political contest, but as an example of leadership willing to put Fiji and its people first.

Bruised, perhaps. But bettered, certainly. And determined to see Fiji through to a stronger future.

Vina'a valevu sara Viti.

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14 PROVINCES, ONE PEOPLE: REJECT THE POLITICS OF DIVISION

I strongly endorse the message expressed recently by Dovi Mataitini on Facebook. Provincialism must be challenged before it deepens resentment, divides our people, and distracts us from the real work of improving lives across all 14 provinces of Fiji.

As someone from Cakaudrove and Tovata, I reject any suggestion that provincial origin should become grounds for suspicion, jealousy, or discrimination. Equally, I would reject such treatment of anyone from any province or confederacy. No community should carry collective blame for the actions of individual leaders, and no person should be judged or excluded because of where they were born. We can be proud of where we come from without diminishing others.

Our provincial identities reflect our history, culture, chiefly relationships, and responsibilities to one another. They should be a source of belonging, service, and cooperation. When pride turns into claims of superiority, or resentment toward another province, we weaken the very bonds that hold us together as a nation.

Leadership should be judged by integrity, competence, fairness, and results. Being from Cakaudrove, Lau, Ba, Nadroga, or any other province neither guarantees good leadership nor makes someone unworthy of office. Every leader deserves fair scrutiny. Kinship must never excuse failure, and provincial origin must never replace evidence as the basis for judgement.

At the same time, we must distinguish between divisive provincial rhetoric and legitimate concerns about exclusion. Citizens have every right to question appointments, demand transparent processes, and challenge unequal access to resources or opportunities. Such concerns deserve honest answers and practical solutions. Ignoring them only allows frustration and resentment to grow.

The answer is not provincial rivalry. The answer is fairness, inclusion, and development that reaches every province and every community.

All 14 provinces must have a voice in Fiji’s future. Within those provinces, women, young people, remote villages, and communities that are too often overlooked must also be heard. Development must be measured not by announcements, but by funded programmes, completed projects, and tangible improvements in people’s lives.

Our energy should be focused on securing better roads, reliable transport, clean water, quality education, accessible healthcare, digital connectivity, and sustainable livelihoods. We must also ensure that our land, marine resources, and economic opportunities create lasting benefits for future generations. Provincial division only makes these challenges harder to address. It creates opportunities for political actors to turn communities against one another for short-term advantage. We should reject every attempt to mobilise support through fear, grievance, or the claim that another province is somehow the enemy.

Those of us from Cakaudrove and Tovata have a particular responsibility to champion fairness, recognise leadership and achievement wherever it is found, support opportunities for others, and hold our own leaders accountable to the same standards we expect of everyone else. Our strength has always come from what we can collectively achieve together.

Let us value every province, respect every community, and ensure that development reaches them all. Let us hold leaders accountable for their decisions and results. Let us reject collective blame and embrace our shared future as one people.

Fourteen provinces. One people. Shared dignity. Shared responsibility. Shared progress.

Khaiyum Hypocrisy: Fiji Must Remember Who Imposed the Rules

 A Welcome Principle from a Tainted and Uncomfortable Messenger!

Aiyaz Sayed-Khaiyum’s call to stop the Constitution Amendment Bill before its third reading, to allow more consultation and scrutiny, raises a principle worth defending: constitutional change requires time, public understanding and meaningful participation. His concerns about drafting, rights and legal consistency deserve examination on their merits.

But coming from a central architect of the 2013 Constitution, that appeal carries an extraordinary burden of hypocrisy.

Where was this commitment to democratic consent when the government he served imposed its own constitutional settlement?

Consultation Then — but Who Held the Final Power?

There was substantial public consultation through the Yash Ghai Commission. The historical objection is that the Bainimarama government discarded the Commission’s draft and placed constitution drafting in the Attorney-General’s chambers. Public participation did not give citizens control over the final outcome.

The resulting Constitution was promulgated under an unelected administration, without a popular referendum endorsing it. No meaningful onsultation occurred and the regime retained the power to decide which voices mattered and which recommendations survived.

Khaiyum can appear before a parliamentary committee, challenge the proposed changes and have his objections reported publicly. That opportunity exposes the democratic deficit in the process over which his own authoritarian government presided.

When Government Machinery Became an Instrument of Control

The post-2006 order must be remembered honestly. Amnesty International documented concerns about emergency regulations, the removal of the judiciary, restrictions on expression, and the intimidation and ill-treatment of critics. These were serious features of authoritarian government.

In my view, using decrees, restrictive laws and state institutions to constrain opposition amounted to weaponising government machinery against dissent.

Khaiyum bears political responsibility for his senior role in that administration. While any personal criminal liability he bears must be established through evidence and independent judicial proceedings, his present defence of constitutional safeguards would carry greater moral authority if accompanied by an honest reckoning with how power was exercised when he illigally held office.

Immunity Cannot Confer Innocence

The 2013 Constitution also entrenched protection for the order that produced it.

Sections 155–158 preserve and grant extensive immunities. Section 157 covers specified participation in the 2006 takeover and subsequent government, while containing exceptions for listed offences. Section 158 purports to prevent the immunity chapter from being amended or revoked and restricts judicial review of protected decisions.

These protections are substantial, but they do not establish that every action was lawful, justified or harmless. Immunity can prevent accountability without resolving the underlying wrongdoing.

Nor should we claim that Bainimarama has escaped every legal consequence: his 2024 conviction and imprisonment concerned interference in a separate police investigation. That is distinct from accountability for the coup and the wider authoritarian system.

Freedom to Criticise Must Not Become Historical Amnesia

How ironic that Khaiyum is freely exercising his right to criticise the present government while the government he was a key part of had restricted democracy and freedom. Even worse when he's publicly flaunting that new found freedom!

The danger arises when their participation in public debate becomes a means of sanitising their record. Khaiyum exercising his democratic freedom today must not erase responsibility for undermining those freedoms yesterday. Fiji can hear his arguments while remembering the circumstances in which they acquired power, governed and secured constitutional protection.

The Message Sent to Future Coup-Makers

Entrenched immunity creates a dangerous political incentive: seize power, control the institutions, write the constitutional rules and secure protection before returning to elections.

That is a warning about the precedent, rather than a claim that existing immunity automatically covers any future coup. The current Bill’s stated prohibition on future immunities for unconstitutional seizures of power is therefore welcome. But retaining protections for past takeovers still demands public scrutiny and a clear explanation to victims.

Reform Must Meet a Higher Standard

The present government must provide sufficient consultation, correct defective drafting, protect every community’s rights and explain its decisions. There is no reason to think the government will not heed any good proposal to improve the current draft Constitution to ensure a collaborative outcome.

There is no doubt Khaiyum had failed miserably to meet the high standard for constitutional reform. For him to now pontificate on the virtues of good government and constitutional reform, speaks volume of his lack of integrity and untamed appetite for political showmanship.

Fiji’s constitutional future must rest on public consent, accountable institutions and civilian authority. No leader should ever be able to unilaterally dictate what is enshrined in the Constitution and turn an illegal seizure of power into a lasting entitlement to impunity.

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Public Distrust of Politicians in Fiji: A Growing Challenge for Democratic Governance

 Introduction

Public distrust of politicians is not unique to Fiji. Across many democracies, confidence in elected leaders has declined as citizens grapple with rising living costs, economic uncertainty, political scandals, and perceptions that political elites are disconnected from everyday realities. Fiji is increasingly experiencing a similar trend.

Since the formation of the current Parliament following the December 2022 General Election, a combination of controversial policy decisions, governance challenges, allegations involving senior political leaders, and ongoing constitutional debates has contributed to a noticeable erosion of public trust. While some criticism is part of the normal democratic process, persistent distrust can have profound long-term consequences for political institutions, national cohesion, and democratic legitimacy, particularly in a diverse and multiracial society such as Fiji.

The Parliamentary Pay Rise: A Defining Moment

Perhaps no issue symbolised the growing disconnect between politicians and ordinary citizens more than Parliament's decision in 2024 to approve substantial salary increases and benefits for MPs, ministers, and other senior office holders. The move generated widespread public criticism, petitions, and intense discussion in both traditional and social media. Government leaders later acknowledged that the process had been poorly handled and that public consultation had been inadequate. Prime Minister Sitiveni Rabuka himself apologised for the manner in which the issue was managed.

Whether justified or not on technical grounds, the political damage was significant. At a time when many households were struggling with the cost of living, the pay increase reinforced a perception that politicians were insulated from the economic hardships affecting ordinary Fijians. In politics, perceptions often matter as much as facts. The symbolism of politicians appearing to reward themselves before addressing citizens' concerns created a credibility deficit that has proven difficult to overcome.

Overseas Travel and Public Perceptions of Privilege

Overseas travel is a legitimate part of ministerial work. International meetings, diplomatic engagements and negotiations can advance Fiji’s interests. However, when large entourages accompany politicians, or several delegations travel at around the same time, the combined public impression can amplify concerns about expenditure, priorities and privilege. Photographs and social media coverage may reinforce that impression, even where individual trips have a valid purpose.

At a time of pressure on household budgets and public services, citizens reasonably expect an explanation of why each trip is necessary, who needs to attend, what it costs and what it achieves. Publishing these details and reporting on outcomes would help the public assess value rather than leaving an information gap to be filled by suspicion.

Election Promises and the Expectations Gap

The Rabuka-led coalition entered office promising a new era characterised by transparency, accountability, national reconciliation, institutional reform, and economic improvement.

Like many governments around the world, however, it has faced the challenge of converting campaign promises into tangible results. Some reforms have progressed, while others remain incomplete or have moved more slowly than many supporters anticipated.

The resulting "expectations gap" is a common driver of political dissatisfaction. Voters frequently judge governments not only by what they achieve but also by whether they fulfil the aspirations they raised during election campaigns. When expectations exceed outcomes, disappointment often transforms into distrust.

In Fiji's case, continuing concerns about living costs, employment opportunities, public services, and the pace of reform have fuelled perceptions among some citizens that political promises have not been matched by performance.

Scandals and Questions of Political Integrity

Trust in political leaders is particularly vulnerable when questions arise regarding personal conduct and ethical standards.

The current parliamentary term has seen several controversies involving ministers and senior political figures, including highly publicised allegations relating to personal conduct and sex-related scandals. Regardless of eventual outcomes, such controversies can damage public confidence because they distract governments from policy delivery and reinforce concerns about character, judgement, and accountability.

Citizens often view ethical conduct as inseparable from effective leadership. When scandals dominate public discussion, confidence in the entire political class tends to suffer, not merely the individuals involved.

Ministerial Discipline and the Revolving Door Perception

Public confidence is also weakened by the perception of a ministerial “revolving door”: ministers are stood down for a period as a disciplinary measure, then returned to their former portfolios. Where the findings, consequences and grounds for reinstatement are not clearly explained, the public may regard the absence as a temporary inconvenience rather than meaningful accountability.

A temporary stand-down can be appropriate while concerns are examined, and reinstatement may be justified by the findings. The issue is whether the process is credible and consistently applied. An unexplained return to office can leave citizens wondering what the disciplinary action achieved and whether political considerations carry more weight than ministerial standards.

Deputy Prime Ministers and FICAC Investigations

Public concerns have been further heightened by events involving Deputy Prime Ministers and investigations by the Fiji Independent Commission Against Corruption (FICAC).

Deputy Prime Minister Manoa Kamikamica stepped down from Cabinet after being charged by FICAC, while Deputy Prime Minister and Finance Minister Biman Prasad also resigned from his ministerial positions following corruption-related charges, although both have maintained their respective positions and sought to clear their names through the legal process.

The significance of these developments lies not merely in the legal proceedings themselves but in their cumulative political impact. When senior leaders become subject to investigations or criminal charges, public confidence in government can weaken regardless of eventual court outcomes.

At the same time, some citizens may interpret the investigations as evidence that integrity institutions are functioning properly. Thus, such episodes can simultaneously reduce confidence in politicians while potentially increasing confidence in accountability mechanisms.

Prime Ministerial Mandate Overreach and FICAC

The FICAC leadership dispute raises a further concern about perceived “mandate overreach” by the Prime Minister. An electoral mandate does not authorise a leader to bypass the institutions responsible for independent appointments. According to fijivillage’s report of 22 October 2026, Charlie Charters is challenging the Prime Minister’s advice and the President’s appointment of Lavi Rokoika, arguing that the recommendation belongs to the Judicial Services Commission following consultation with the Attorney General. That challenge remains before the court. Separately, the report says the Prime Minister has appealed the High Court ruling that Barbara Malimali’s dismissal was unlawful.

The same report says Rokoika had been absent from the office for several weeks, with no response from FICAC about who was managing operations. Rabuka said he did not know her whereabouts and attributed responsibility for administering her leave to the JSC. This lack of public clarity compounds the leadership uncertainty.

For citizens concerned about FICAC’s recent prosecution record, these leadership disputes reinforce the perception of an anti-corruption agency struggling to deliver results. Although the report does not suggest that operations have stopped, the discontinuance of cases involving former DPP Christopher Pryde, Sayed-Khaiyum and Sagar, together with the court’s clearance of Deputy Prime MinisterKamikamica, raises questions about the quality of investigations and decisions to prosecute. Combined with uncertainty over FICAC’s leadership, these outcomes can weaken confidence in State institutions and erode trust in the officials responsible and the political leaders overseeing them.

The public deserves clear reporting on case progress, outcomes and operational leadership. When political intervention in appointments is followed by litigation and unexplained leadership gaps, confidence in both executive judgement and institutional independence suffers. Restoring trust requires respect for lawful appointment processes, compliance with court decisions and transparent reporting of performance.

Accountability for the Bainimarama and Khaiyum Period

Another source of distrust is the perception that progress in securing accountability for alleged abuses of power during the authoritarian period associated with Frank Bainimarama and Aiyaz Sayed-Khaiyum has been too slow or insufficient. For citizens who expected a clear break from that period, unresolved questions and limited visible outcomes can deepen disappointment with the institutions charged with upholding accountability.

Against that background, the gradual normalisation of their presence and participation in public forums may be interpreted by some as a sign that the country is moving on before adequately addressing the past. Public participation does not itself establish wrongdoing, erase responsibility or remove anyone’s rights. Nevertheless, where the reasons for delays and the status of accountability processes remain unclear, such appearances can reinforce a perception that past conduct is being quietly set aside.

Credible accountability requires independent investigations, fair hearings and due process. It cannot be measured simply by the number of prosecutions or convictions. Institutions should explain progress, decisions and delays wherever legally possible, while protecting proceedings from political interference. The same standards must apply to former and serving leaders.

These concerns extend beyond individual politicians to government institutions headed by, or reporting to, political office holders. When citizens believe that accountability depends on political convenience, confidence in those institutions can also erode. Clear institutional independence and consistent treatment are therefore essential to restoring trust.

Constitutional Reform and Public Pushback

The Government's efforts to review and potentially replace or significantly amend the 2013 Constitution have generated vigorous public debate.

Critics have questioned the pace of the reform process, arguing that meaningful constitutional change requires broad consultation, public education, and sufficient time for reflection. Civil society organisations and governance experts have warned that compressed timelines risk undermining public confidence and legitimacy.

Constitutional reform is inherently sensitive because it concerns the rules by which political power is exercised. In a multiracial and multicultural society such as Fiji, constitutional arrangements carry special significance because they influence representation, inclusion, rights, and social cohesion.

Where significant segments of the population perceive constitutional changes as rushed, politically motivated, or insufficiently consultative, distrust can deepen even among citizens who may support the reforms in principle.

Fiji in a Global Context

The decline in public trust is not uniquely Fijian.

Across established democracies such as the United Kingdom, Australia, New Zealand, the United States, and numerous Pacific Island nations, political institutions have experienced declining levels of public confidence. Several common factors explain this trend:

Economic Pressure

When inflation rises and household budgets tighten, citizens naturally scrutinise political leaders more closely. Political decisions that appear self-serving receive harsher judgement during periods of economic stress.

Social Media Amplification

·   Social media accelerates the spread of both information and misinformation. Political mistakes, scandals, and controversial decisions receive immediate and widespread attention.

Higher Expectations

·       Modern voters expect transparency, responsiveness, and rapid results. Governments often struggle to satisfy these expectations, particularly when dealing with complex structural problems.

Growing Cynicism About Political Elites

·       Around the world, many citizens increasingly perceive politicians as belonging to a privileged class that operates under different rules from everyone else.

Fiji's experience reflects many of these broader global pressures.

Why Distrust Matters in a Multiracial Nation

For Fiji, public trust carries particular importance because of the country's historical political divisions and ethnic diversity. Political trust serves as a form of social capital. It helps citizens accept election outcomes, respect institutions, cooperate across communities, and engage constructively in public life. When trust erodes significantly:

·         Voter participation may decline.

·         Political debate may become increasingly polarised.

·         Conspiracy theories and misinformation may flourish.

·         Respect for institutions may weaken.

·         Citizens may become more attracted to populist or anti-system political movements.

In a multiracial society, declining trust can also make it easier for political disagreements to be interpreted through ethnic lenses, even when the underlying issues are primarily about governance, accountability, or economic performance.

Will the Distrust Persist?

The current trend is likely to persist in the short to medium term unless political leaders can rebuild credibility through performance, transparency, and accountability. Several factors will determine whether public trust recovers:

Delivery of Tangible Results

·       Citizens ultimately evaluate governments on outcomes. Improvements in living standards, economic opportunities, and public services can gradually restore confidence.

Accountability

·       Visible and consistent accountability for misconduct, regardless of political affiliation, can strengthen institutional legitimacy. This includes clear grounds for ministerial stand-downs and reinstatements, and independent, properly explained processes for addressing alleged wrongdoing by past and present leaders.

Transparency

·       Open communication about difficult decisions, including fiscal constraints and reform priorities, can reduce suspicion and improve public understanding. For overseas travel, this means explaining the purpose, delegation size, costs and outcomes so citizens can assess the public benefit.

Constitutional Legitimacy

·       Any constitutional reform process that is widely perceived as inclusive, transparent, and participatory is more likely to strengthen trust than diminish it.

Political Conduct

·       The behaviour of ministers, MPs, and senior officials remains critical. Ethical leadership continues to be one of the strongest foundations of public confidence.

Conclusion

The growing distrust of politicians in Fiji reflects a combination of local events and global democratic trends. Controversies surrounding parliamentary pay increases, overseas travel and large entourages, unmet expectations, political scandals, ministerial stand-downs and reinstatements, investigations involving senior leaders, perceived prime ministerial mandate overreach and uncertainty at FICAC, unresolved accountability concerns from the Bainimarama–Khaiyum period, and debates over constitutional reform have contributed to a perception among some citizens that political elites are increasingly distant from everyday concerns.

Yet distrust is not irreversible. Public confidence can be rebuilt through competent governance, genuine accountability, transparent leadership, and meaningful engagement with citizens.

For Fiji, the challenge is particularly important. As a multiracial democracy, trust in political institutions is not merely a matter of governmental popularity. It is a cornerstone of national unity, democratic stability, and long-term social cohesion. The extent to which political leaders recognise and respond to this challenge may ultimately determine not only their own electoral fortunes but also the future strength of Fiji's democratic culture.

References

1. Fijivillage, *Motion for Salary Changes for the President, Speaker, Ministers, Assistant Ministers and MPs Passed* (2024). [1](https://www.fijivillage.com/news/Salary-increases-recommended-for-President-Speaker-Ministers-Assistant-Ministers-and-MPs-584frx/)[8](https://www.fijivillage.com/indepth/Salary-increases-recommended-for-President-Speaker-Ministers-Assistant-Ministers-and-MPs-584frx/)  

2. FBC News, *MPs Salary Increase to Cost $4.1m* (2024). [2](https://www.fbcnews.com.fj/news/mps-salary-increase-to-cost-4-1m/)  

3. PMN News, *Fiji's Deputy Prime Minister Steps Down Over Perjury, False Information Charges* (2025). [3](https://pmn.co.nz/read/pacific-region/fiji-s-deputy-prime-minister-steps-down-over-perjury-false-information-charges)  

4. PMN News, *After Two Deputy PMs Charged, Fiji Scrutinised Over Political Motives and Timing of Corruption Case* (2025). [4](https://pmn.co.nz/read/law-and-order/after-two-deputy-pms-charged-ficac-faces-scrutiny-over-political-motives-and-timing-of-fiji-corruption-case)  

5. The Fiji Times, *Biman Prasad Resigns as Deputy Prime Minister Following FICAC Charge* (2025). [5](https://www.fijitimes.com.fj/biman-prasad-resigns-as-deputy-prime-minister-following-ficac-charge/)  

6. The Fiji Times, *Five-Month Timeline Raises Concerns Over Constitutional Review* (2026). [6](https://www.fijitimes.com.fj/five-month-timeline-raises-concerns-over-constitutional-review/)  

7. PINA, *Proposed Fiji Constitution Timeline Risks Electoral Crisis: CDD* (2026). [7](https://pina.com.fj/2026/09/18/proposed-fiji-constitution-timeline-risks-electoral-crisis-cdd/)

8. Fijivillage, No confirmation from President, PM, the JSC and FICAC on where is Acting FICAC Commissioner Lavi Rokoika, Vijay Narayan, 22 October 2026. https://www.fijivillage.com/news/no-confirmation-from-president-pm-the-jsc-and-ficac-on-where-is-acting-ficac-commissioner-lavi-rokoika-5667e2/

Fixing Fiji's Debt

 Fiscal Discipline, Strategic Investment and Debt Reduction: Lessons from New Zealand for Fiji's Economic Future

Introduction

Public debt management is one of the defining policy challenges facing Fiji in the coming decade. As a small island developing state highly exposed to natural disasters, climate change, global economic volatility, and fluctuations in tourism earnings, Fiji requires sufficient fiscal space to respond effectively to unforeseen shocks while continuing to invest in economic development and social wellbeing.

The experience of New Zealand under Prime Minister Helen Clark and Finance Minister Sir Michael Cullen between 1999 and 2008 provides a compelling model of how fiscal discipline can be transformed into long-term national prosperity. During their nine years in office, New Zealand reduced net Crown debt from approximately 22 percent of GDP to effectively zero while simultaneously creating enduring national institutions such as the New Zealand Superannuation Fund, KiwiSaver, and Working for Families. These reforms demonstrated that responsible debt management is not simply about reducing expenditure; rather, it is about strategic investment, disciplined budgeting, and building assets for future generations.

While Fiji's circumstances differ significantly from those of New Zealand, the core principles underpinning the Clark-Cullen approach remain highly relevant. Fiji can draw important lessons regarding fiscal discipline, expenditure prioritisation, national savings, institutional reform, and long-term economic planning.

Fiji's Debt Situation

Fiji's debt position has improved considerably since the COVID-19 pandemic but remains elevated by historical standards.

According to the Fiji Government Annual Debt Report, outstanding government debt reached approximately FJ$10.76 billion, equivalent to 77.1 percent of GDP as at July 2025, down from around 90.7 percent of GDP in the immediate post-pandemic period. The Government's long-term fiscal strategy seeks to reduce public debt towards 60 percent of GDP over time.

The challenge facing policymakers is that debt servicing consumes significant fiscal resources that might otherwise be invested in infrastructure, healthcare, education, climate resilience, and economic transformation. Debt itself is not problematic when used productively. The concern arises when debt grows faster than the economy or finances expenditure that generates limited future economic returns.

As Michael Cullen frequently argued, governments should prepare for future downturns during periods of growth rather than assume favourable economic conditions will continue indefinitely.

Table 1: Comparison of Fiji's Debt Position and Defence Spending

Indicator	Fiji (Latest Available Data)	Commentary
Total Government Debt	FJ$10.76 billion	Equivalent to 77.1% of GDP as at July 2025.
Debt-to-GDP Ratio	77.1%	Improved from over 90% following the COVID-19 pandemic.
Government Debt Reduction Target	Approximately 60% of GDP	Part of Government's medium to long-term fiscal strategy.
Annual Debt Servicing (FY2025/26 Q1)	FJ$303.1 million	Includes principal repayment and interest costs.
Defence and Security Expenditure*	Approximately FJ$190-250 million annually (recent budget estimates)	Represents around 1.5-2.0% of GDP. Actual allocations vary annually.
Opportunity Cost	Equivalent to major infrastructure, climate resilience or education investments	Raises policy questions regarding expenditure priorities and economic returns.

*Defence expenditure estimates are drawn from recent Fiji budget appropriations and public expenditure statements. Exact allocations vary year to year across military, policing, maritime surveillance and national security functions.

The Clark-Cullen Model: Fiscal Discipline with a Purpose

A common misconception is that Clark and Cullen reduced debt through spending cuts. The reality was more sophisticated.

Their strategy rested on four key pillars:

1. Sustained Budget Surpluses

Between 2000 and 2008, New Zealand achieved nine consecutive budget surpluses. Rather than spending every additional dollar collected during a period of robust growth, the Government directed surplus funds toward reducing debt and building national assets.

For Fiji, this suggests the importance of maintaining primary budget surpluses during periods of economic expansion and avoiding the temptation to permanently increase expenditure whenever revenues improve.

2. Long-Term Thinking

Cullen regarded fiscal policy through a generational lens rather than an electoral one. He repeatedly argued that governments must prepare proactively for future demographic and economic pressures.

Fiji faces similar long-term challenges including:

• Climate change adaptation.
• Population aging.
• Infrastructure deficits.
• Increasing healthcare costs.
• Economic diversification.

These issues require long-term solutions rather than short-term political responses.

3. Building National Assets

Rather than merely reducing debt, New Zealand transformed fiscal surpluses into income-generating assets through:

• The New Zealand Superannuation Fund.
• KiwiSaver.
• Strategic social investment programs.

The lesson for Fiji is that debt reduction and asset creation should occur simultaneously.

4. Creating Fiscal Buffers

When the Global Financial Crisis struck in 2008, New Zealand was able to borrow and stimulate the economy because its balance sheet was exceptionally strong.

This is perhaps the most important lesson for Fiji. Fiscal discipline is not an end in itself. It creates the flexibility necessary to manage crises.

Expenditure Prioritisation: Does Every Dollar Contribute to Growth?

An important but often neglected question is whether every category of public expenditure contributes equally to national development.

A Clark-Cullen style expenditure review would ask:

Does the expenditure create future economic value, strengthen resilience, or improve productivity?

If not, its fiscal priority should be questioned.

High-Return Public Investments

Evidence suggests the following categories generally contribute positively to long-term GDP growth:

• Education and skills development.

• Public health.
• Transport infrastructure.
• Water and sanitation systems.
• Renewable energy.

• Climate adaptation projects.
• Digital infrastructure.
• Agricultural productivity programmes.

These investments enhance productivity and increase future tax revenues.

Lower Economic Return Expenditure

Certain forms of expenditure generate fewer measurable economic returns:

• Excessive administrative overhead.
• Duplication across agencies.
• Non-essential government consumption.
• Low-priority capital projects.
• Overstaffing in non-productive sectors.

Such spending can increase deficits without materially improving national productivity.

Defence Spending and Economic Priorities

One area meriting careful examination is defence expenditure.

The Republic of Fiji Military Forces (RFMF) play an important role in national security, disaster response, peacekeeping operations and emergency management. However, from an economic development perspective, not all defence expenditure has equal value.

Strategic Defence Investments

The following expenditure generates clear national economic benefits:

• Maritime surveillance.
• Fisheries protection.
• Exclusive Economic Zone enforcement.

• Counter-narcotics operations.
• Search and rescue capabilities.
• Humanitarian response assets.
• Disaster preparedness.

Fiji's Exclusive Economic Zone extends across approximately 1.3 million square kilometres, containing fisheries and marine resources of immense strategic and economic importance.

Investment in maritime surveillance can therefore be viewed as an economic investment rather than simply a defence expense.

Areas for Review

Conversely, expenditure directed toward:

• Non-operational military infrastructure;
• Excessive administrative costs;
• Military expansion beyond strategic requirements; and
• Activities with limited developmental impact,

should be examined against competing national priorities.

The question is not whether Fiji should have a capable military. Rather, it is whether marginal increases in defence spending produce greater national benefits than equivalent investments in education, technology, climate resilience, healthcare or economic diversification.

This is the type of discussion that Cullen consistently encouraged in New Zealand.

Establishing a Fiji Future Generations Fund

Perhaps the most significant lesson from New Zealand is the value of creating institutions that outlast governments.

Fiji could consider establishing a Future Generations Fund based on the principles of the New Zealand Superannuation Fund.

Potential funding sources could include:

• Budget surpluses.
• State asset dividends.
• Carbon credit revenues.

• Blue economy revenues.
• Fisheries licence revenues.
• Sovereign investment returns.

The fund could support:

• Future pension liabilities.
• Climate adaptation investments.
• Strategic infrastructure.
• Disaster recovery financing.

Such an institution would transform temporary revenues into permanent national assets.

Strengthening Domestic Savings

New Zealand created KiwiSaver to increase household savings and reduce reliance on overseas capital.

Fiji already possesses a strong foundation through the Fiji National Provident Fund (FNPF). However, opportunities remain to:

• Expand voluntary savings products.
• Encourage youth savings.
• Mobilise diaspora investment.
• Develop infrastructure bonds.
• Promote financial literacy.

A higher domestic savings rate reduces external borrowing requirements and strengthens economic resilience.

Fiscal Reform and Public Sector Efficiency

Debt reduction will require more than simply raising taxes.

Potential reforms include:

• Digitalisation of public administration.
• Rationalisation of statutory authorities.
• Shared government services.

• Procurement reform.
• Results-based budgeting.
• Enhanced transparency and accountability.

Even modest efficiency gains can generate significant savings over time.

The objective should not be a smaller government, but a more productive government.

A Fiji Debt Reduction Strategy

Drawing upon the Clark-Cullen experience, Fiji could adopt a comprehensive debt reduction framework built around five pillars:

Pillar 1: Fiscal Discipline

• Achieve consistent primary surpluses.
• Limit growth in recurrent expenditure.
• Direct windfall revenues toward debt reduction.

Pillar 2: Economic Growth

• Expand tourism value chains.
• Develop the blue economy.
• Modernise agriculture.
• Strengthen the digital economy.

Pillar 3: National Savings

• Establish a Future Generations Fund.
• Expand domestic savings mechanisms.
• Encourage long-term investment.

Pillar 4: Public Sector Effectiveness

• Improve efficiency.
• Reduce duplication.
• Strengthen performance management.

Pillar 5: Resilience and Climate Security

• Build fiscal buffers.
• Invest in adaptation.
• Reduce future disaster recovery costs.

Conclusion

The achievement of Helen Clark and Sir Michael Cullen was not simply that they reduced New Zealand's public debt. Their more enduring legacy was the creation of institutions and assets that continue to strengthen New Zealand's economy decades later.

For Fiji, the central lesson is that fiscal discipline should not be viewed as austerity. Rather, it should be understood as a mechanism for reallocating public resources towards productive investments that expand future prosperity.

Reducing Fiji's debt from its current level of approximately 77 percent of GDP will require disciplined budgeting, stronger economic growth, improved public sector efficiency, and a willingness to critically evaluate all areas of expenditure, including defence and administrative spending. At the same time, investments that protect fisheries, strengthen maritime surveillance, improve climate resilience, develop infrastructure, and enhance human capital should be regarded as nation-building expenditures that generate long-term returns.

As Cullen frequently argued, the purpose of a surplus is not simply to produce a better balance sheet. It is to prepare a nation for challenges that have not yet arrived. For Fiji, adopting such a philosophy could provide the foundation for stronger fiscal sustainability, greater resilience, and enhanced prosperity for future generations.

References

• Fiji Government Annual Debt Report 2024-2025, Ministry of Finance.
• Debt to GDP Ratio to Fall Further, Fiji Times, February 2025.
• Fiji Government Debt Report FY2025/26 Q1, Fiji Times, January 2026.
• New Zealand Treasury, Half-Year Economic and Fiscal Update (HYEFU), December 2008.
• New Zealand Superannuation Fund Annual Report 2025.
• Financial Markets Authority (New Zealand), KiwiSaver Annual Report 2025.
• Treasury Working Paper 21/01: Golden Years.
• Radio New Zealand, Obituary of Sir Michael Cullen, August 2021.